As part of our modest "free at point of delivery" coverage of the 2005 General Election, I am pleased to offer ATW readers a series of exclusive interviews with some of the newer faces aspiring to a seat in the Westminster Parliament. This week, it's Ulster Unionist Basil McCrea who is standing in Lagan Valley.
Mr. McCrea has the challenging task of taking on DUP candidate Jeffrey Donaldson and this will be a contest that many will watch with great interest. May I express my sincere thanks to Basil (and Michael) for taking the time out of a hectic electioneering schedule to provide us with some answers.
ATW: Tell us what difference YOU will make to the Unionist cause if elected to Westminster?
First my aim is to represent all the people of Lagan Valley. I have significant experience of the impact of the global market, the pressure on manufacturing and the importance of the education system.
I want to concentrate on bread and butter issues including health, pensions and law and order issues. I will campaign for significantly greater resources for Northern Ireland, better management of these resources and faster decision making.
My emphasis will be on cutting through red tape and getting things done. I will take on the bureaucracy that is stifling innovation and progress in our community.
You place an emphasis on my contribution to the Unionist cause.
As a Unionist I believe, in self reliance, the right of each individual to hold their own opinion and the importance of getting things done. I support education and the development of private enterprise as the best means of promoting opportunity for all.
I will actively promote the huge benefits that Northern Ireland receives as part of the United Kingdom to the people of Northern Ireland and I will seek to make the case for Northern Ireland to the decision makers in Westminster and the GB population in general. Northern Ireland needs massive investment to recover from the last 30 years, only Westminster can provide it and they must be convinced that it is a worthwhile investment.
ATW: Can you point to any wins that Unionism has achieved at Westminster over the past four years?
My focus is on the future rather than the past, but the creation of the IMC made a big impact.
The biggest impact of Westminster is financial, for every £1 we raise in taxes we spend £2 and for every £1 the Government spends on an individual in England it spends £1.42 in Northern Ireland. We need sustained investment by Westminster. This has not only been a success in the past it is a major challenge for the future.
ATW: Two other primary examples of consociational government (Bosnia and Iraq) commit all participants to respect the constitutional boundaries of the State, and work for the State's stability. In Ulster, power-sharing gives people who want to destroy the State compulsory participation in its governance. Why then does the UUP advocate the principle of power sharing?
Firstly, all NI’s political parties support power sharing … the DUP is a recent convert in its ‘Devolution Now’ document. This includes sharing power with the SDLP – a party explicitly committed to a ‘united Ireland’. In the long term, Northern Ireland needs devolved government.
Any future political settlement will require the sharing of power between our political parties. The political stability and normality this would create would be good for the Union.
In 1998, Ulster Unionists ensured that nationalists, republicans and Dublin signed up to the consent principle – the people of NI alone will determine our constitutional future and it is clear that this is in the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland is different to the two examples you give, the problem for one section of the community is the existence of the state itself.
ATW: Should Sinn Fein/IRA have any role in the future Government of Northern Ireland?
Not until the IRA disarms its illegal weaponry, desists from all criminality and disbands.
We are in for along period of political stalemate. The political process requires fresh thinking, new ideas. We must find away of addressing the issues that beset our society. The UUP clearly stated in March that the d’Hondt formula was no longer workable and that powersharing with SF was not an option for the foreseeable future.
ATW: Jeffrey Donaldson is a well known figure in the constituency. Do you honestly think you can beat him on May 5th and if so, why?
Yes.
What is Mr. Donaldson well known for? Walking out on the negotiations at the 11th hour, standing for one party and joining another, opposing the Belfast Agreement whilst in the UUP and then advocating the SF-DUP Comprehensive agreement whilst in the DUP.
With regard to the numbers (rounded for simplification) there were 26,000 UUP voters at the last Westminster elections and only 6,000 DUP. In simple terms, (it is not worth long arguments, Alliance etc etc.) Mr. Donaldson needs a personal vote of 10,001 to win the seat. That is a challenge and my experience on the door step is that he will not achieve this. Many people are deeply unhappy and offended about his decision to jump ship.
I also believe that the DUP have misjudged the mood of a significant proportion of the electorate. Many have moved on, the want politicians to find solutions to their problems. They are more interested in bread and butter issues such as education, health and jobs. I like to think that as a new face, I can offer new thinking and hugely valuable experience of the real world.
ATW: Sinn Fein/IRA has said that it will seek international support for its campaign to destroy the Union. What counter measures will you and the Ulster Unionists put in place to thwart its plans?
This is rhetoric designed to scare the population but there is no realistic prospect of an end to the union. A significant proportion of the population will vehemently oppose it and economically it is a non starter.
Ulster Unionists have carried the case for the Union to Washington and the international community in general. Ulster Unionists, unlike the DUP, can speak with credibility on the international stage. Our democratic case for the Union, our stance against terror and paramilitarism, find a ready audience – the DUP’s ranting and SF’s violent extremism win NI no friends.
ATW: Can you explain why Unionism is strengthened by the Good Friday Agreement – given that it has failed to bring about the ending of paramilitarism, elevated members of the IRA Army Council into the Government of Northern Ireland, and instigated a process through Patten which wrought an end to the RUC?
First, I carry no baggage from the past. I entered politics because I was concerned about the economy of Northern Ireland.
Secondly, considering that the last party to be negotiating to put SF into government was the DUP – while PIRA was planning the Northern Bank raid – this really is a question for Mr. Robinson and his friends.
Since November 2003 the DUP have told us they have been leading unionism – has paramilitarism ended?
My Party not only rejected Patten, but worked hard in the Parliament to alter its recommendation – Ulster Unionists proposed over 200 amendments to the legislation. The DUP offered none.
Above all else, the Belfast Agreement offered the opportunity of a normal society in Northern Ireland, allowing this part of the United Kingdom to deal with the social and economic challenges that we face. Each year a significant proportion of our young people receive an excellent education and leave Northern Ireland.
Until Northern Ireland is able to offer opportunities that are at least as good as those found elsewhere many of them will not return and this represents the biggest challenge to the long term future of our community and to Northern Ireland.
At the same time, a significant proportion of our young people have a less satisfactory experience of the educational system condemning them to compete for the ever decreasing pool of low paid unskilled jobs.This also presents a major threat to long term viability of Northern Ireland.
Education and the economy are the strategic imperatives for Northern Ireland. We have an excellent education system but with out a vibrant local economy this a recipe for migration.
So what did the GFA offer? Nationalists, republicans and Dublin accepted the principle of consent and repealed Articles 2 & 3. Nationalists and republicans entered into a Stormont assembly, under the jurisdiction of the UK Parliament. Republicans pledged to abide by exclusively peaceful and democratic politics, and enter into a process of disarming. As a Unionist, I can only see these as positives.
NI today still faces immense difficulties and challenges – not least because Sinn Fein-IRA has failed to abide by the pledges it gave. But our life is better: our police and soldiers are not being murdered on the streets. Our commercial centres do not face the same threat of destruction. Our children are growing up without experiencing the ‘Troubles’.
It seems that even the DUP has beleatedly realised this – which is why they signed up to the Belfast Agreement in December 2004.
Peace – Not perfect but better than it was
The opportunity to rebuild our economy.
The opportunity to build a better life.
No body offered an alternative then or now. The Comprehensive agreement is the Belfast agreement.
The UUP rejected Patten –particularly the decisions on the name and crest of the RUC. We worked hard at Westminster against Patten, while the DUP sat on the sidelines.
Ulster Unionists continue to work to ensure that the sacrifice paid by many RUC officers is honoured by our society and that the professionalism and integrity of the RUC continues to find expression in the PSNI.
Opinion polls indicate that there is growing cross-community support for the police service, something that police officers themselves greatly welcome.
It is because we are committed policing with integrity that we will refuse to discuss the devolution of policing and justice – unlike the DUP who signed up in December 2004 to a short time-table for the devolution of policing and justice (welcomed by Gerry Kelly at the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis).
Furthermore, the DUP are asking for a reconstitution of the Policing Board, allowing SF to take its seats. Unlike the DUP, Ulster Unionists do not believe SF should be on the Board.
Obviously, I wasn’t present at the negotiations my focus is on the future, but it is worth stating the obvious.
These decisions where taken by Westminster and would have happened regardless of the GFA.
Many of the reforms suggested by Patten were supported by the police and the Federation.
One of the benefits is that when the Chief Constable says the IRA did the Northern Bank job, everybody accepts his word.
There is no denying the loss of the RUC name was painful but the decision was taken by Westminster and we are part of the United Kingdom. We fully support the PSNI.
ATW: THANK YOU FOR TAKING THE TIME TO SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS WITH US.
David
His response to my analogous poser concerning Bosnia and Iraq just goes to show how hollow the arguments for power sharing are.
1. How can parties who do not even recognise the state work 'for its good' in a devolved executive?
2. Bosnian Serbs did not initially recognise the sovereignty of the new Bosnia. The subsequent Constitution drawn-up demanded they give that recognition as the price for participation in government. The same should apply in Northern Ireland.
Posted by: Andrew McCann | April 18, 2005 at 08:41 AM
I'm not sure I agree that Unionist voters in NI are "more interested in bread and butter issues such as education, health and jobs" than the constitutional status of the country or even the inter-party rivalry.
Interesting interview anyway and he may be right in feeling that the personal vote for Donaldson has been overestimated.
Posted by: Paul | April 18, 2005 at 08:49 AM
I hope he is right about Donaldson's personal vote, I'd definitely be asking questions if my choice in the last election jumped ship only weeks later.
My thoughts on your questions:
"1. How can parties who do not even recognise the state work 'for its good' in a devolved executive?"
Because whether or not they want to continue with the state they have voters to represent and these voters, whether or not they support Northern Ireland's existence in the UK, want their children educated, their bins collected, their hospitals clean and their roads in good condition just like everyone else. They also do recognise the state by virtue of signing the Good Friday agreement and the acceptance of the principle of consent. They may waffle on about "the North of Ireland" in their propaganda, but the truth lies in the GFA.
Regards question 2, as stated above, like in Bosnia, the nationalists/republicans have had to recognise the sovereignty of the people of Northern Ireland, who want to remain in the UK, via the principle of consent.
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 09:37 AM
Beano
But they don't. That's the whole point. They are in the institutions to work for the state's destruction. Hence the calls for a referendum every 7 years on ending the Union, beefing-up cross-border bodies in the absence of the Assembly, calling for the joint flying of the Union Flag and Tricolour, etc.
Posted by: Andrew McCann | April 18, 2005 at 09:47 AM
Hence the calls for a referendum every 7 years on ending the Union
Let them call, we'll win. Do you not. I agree 7 years is too often though and could just encourage referendum fatigue, more likely on the Unionist side than Nationalist one.
beefing-up cross-border bodies in the absence of the Assembly
Is that legal? I can't really comment on that without specifics, sorry.
calling for the joint flying of the Union Flag and Tricolour
Again, never going to happen. There's a good explanation whyin this Democratic Dialogue report on flags
"Republicans claim that the flags problem has two simple solutions: no flags or two flags, the Union flag and the Tricolour.
Yet neither of these offers a satisfactory resolution either. The no-flags position does not address the value of symbols which do not carry ethnic baggage in the mobilisation of civic pride and solidarity in a society of strangers. Every mairie in France flies the (French) Tricolour with pride. The two-flags position implies a constitutional status of joint, British-Irish authority over Northern Ireland which may reflect a republican view of the next step towards a united Ireland but goes well beyond the provisions of the agreement."
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 10:14 AM
Sorry, that link again:
Democratic Dialogue report on flags [proper link]
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 10:14 AM
beano,
Can I say that whilst I don't agree with some of what you say, you make a valuable contribution here. Thx.
Posted by: David Vance | April 18, 2005 at 10:30 AM
Can I say that whilst I don't agree with some of what you say, you make a valuable contribution here. Thx.
Likewise DV, can't say I always agree with you or Andrew, but I appreciate you taking the time to put in the interview with Basil (esp since its my constituency and I think one of the more interesting ones in this election).
Want to try and interview an SDLP or (perish the thought) a shinner ?
If you get someone from the SDLP please ask them about the crap color scheme on their website ;)
Posted by: joc | April 18, 2005 at 11:14 AM
joc,
Thanks for that. I despair of the SDLP at the moment and whilst I respect the likes of Eddy O'Grady, the Durka-Durka leadership strategy leaves me cold. Don't know that I could be bothered to interview any of them - their puce web site makes me nauseous.
As for the Shinners - yes, I'd like the PSNI to interview them!!!
Posted by: David Vance | April 18, 2005 at 11:19 AM
Would agree with you about Eddy O'Grady.
Its a pity that Joe Hendron is also out as an MP - he towers over the other person who now holds the seat.
Some years (~1994) ago a neighbour/policemen told me of high regard he had for Joe in defusing disputes around the York St. area - was always in there trying to sort things out. In contrast, he had no time for certain other people (including the co-leader of C company) who were blatantly stirring things up.
Posted by: joc | April 18, 2005 at 11:28 AM
joc,
In full agreement re Joe.
Posted by: David Vance | April 18, 2005 at 11:42 AM
Thanks DV.
Perhaps I'm being a bit optimistic regarding the UUP, but I have a feeling the Lagan Valley vote will be closer than the DUP would like.
As per your comment on my PSNI Purge post, I'm starting a Westminster Focus on Everything Ulster - taking a look at a different constituency every day until 5th May, starting yesterday with Fermanagh & South Tyrone. I'll stick a link in to this interview when I post my Lagan Valley article later today (it's written, I just need to do the map).
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 11:43 AM
ah ballocks - sorry about forgetting to close that link.
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 11:43 AM
I've posted that link to your interview, it's mentioned in the 'Unionist Candidats' section of my Westminster Focus on Lagan Valley
Posted by: beano @ Everything Ulster | April 18, 2005 at 06:22 PM
beano,
Cheers!
Posted by: David Vance | April 18, 2005 at 07:16 PM
The vote than Jeffrey Donaldson received at the Westminster election, proved that the vote was not a UUP vote, but was a personal vote....Mr Donaldson MP's VOTE ACTUALLY ROSE WHEN HE JOINED THE DUP... fancy that!!
Posted by: | May 27, 2005 at 11:58 PM